Neomarxism & Structural Functionalism in Philippine Education

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Neomarxism & Structural Functionalism in Philippine Education

Neomarxism and Structural Functionalism _ Sociology of Education in Philippine Setting

(c)2007

“Many students are physically present in school but are excluded from learning. Among them are school dropouts”. Based on the tenets and dialogue in Sociology of Education, write two (2) short analytical essays showing the influence of social class, the politics of education (both macro and micro) and genderism on this phenomenon. One essay uses structural functionalism as analytical framework while the other essay uses neo-Marxist perspective (6 pages maximum) – Question No. 1

Prelude

            The multifacetedness of school dropout phenomenon vis-à-vis / versus social class, the politics of education (both macro and micro) and genderism, can be analytical elaborated by utilizing structural-functionalism and(/or) neo-Marxism (although there could be other sociological perspectives such as symbolic interactionism, functional-structuralism, etc.).

School Dropouts Vis-à-vis Social Class, Educational Politics, and Genderism:

A Structural-Functionalist Perspective

             In analogous and pessimistic ways, structural-functionalism views the school dropout phenomenon as unmistakably a socially deviant ingrowth (akin to a tumor or alienated lump) that resulted from the malevolent indissoluble social class, politics in education, genderism, to name a few. Metaphorically, school dropouts, as structural members of a living organic society (like the sentient human body), involuntarily perform in a dysfunctional manner (although, most of its other member-parts normally perform voluntarily; and, in addition, in an unconscious, quasi-automatic mode towards the maintenance of overall homeostasis). Even so, in an emphatically empathic way, the plight of this member of the society needs addressing since they are already in such situation. For as the cliché goes, “one ailing part makes the whole body ail altogether.”

            Afresh, structural-functionalist’ view the school dropouts as also members of the overall social structure affected by their institutions, social groups, statuses, roles, culture, politics of education, etc. Moreover, these have reciprocal influences on their education. All the same, due to school dropouts’ social class alone, especially those in the elementary grades (as we shall see later), they are very much socially and economically deprived and disadvantaged for they proximate the underclass. They are incapable, for instance, for adaptive upgrading.

            On the other hand, the political structuring and functioning of education have wittingly displaced farther school dropouts. In the macrolevel setting, the 1987 Constitution mandated decentralization, and the 1991 Local Government Code provided legal guidelines for transferring responsibility for providing services to subnational governments. However, our country has not formally decentralized governance of elementary education. Political considerations such as public schoolteachers have traditionally counted votes during elections, so decentralization would make them vulnerable to local politics, possibly compromising election results (http://www.hcs.harvard.edu). Optimistically, decentralization is good in negating the persistent cuts due to special operating procedures and pseudo-biddings. On the other hand, in the microlevel scenario of decentralization, autonomous professionals, with connivance with local government officials and other officers would create the same persistent problem of graft.

            Genderism of school dropouts, for this part of this article, as explained by SF’ view is that axiomatically both genders are needed structurally in the normal functioning of society. However, statistically-wise (http://www.ph.net/htdocs/education/issue.htm), on gender distribution, female students have very high representation in all three levels. At the elementary level, male and female students are almost equally represented. But female enrollment exceeds that of the male at the secondary and tertiary levels. Also, boys have higher rates of failures, dropouts, and repetition in both elementary and secondary levels. However, girls are lined up being handcupped by long-held, traditions, customs, social roles, and the like (in short, social structure, culture, and socialization). Both genders, which are socially disadvantaged school dropouts, have to fend for their family’ weal. In most cases though, college education should belong to the ‘dominant’-male. Here in our country, they would soon be the breadwinner, in a sense, of the family and of their own family.

            As a synthesis of ideas and probable solutions re: SF vis-à-vis SC, PE, and G, the various problems faced by school dropouts involve their family. Due to their parents’ unemployment and poverty, they are socially classified and branded, and as such intimidated by others like their teachers.  An antidote of achieved or master status is needed later on in their lives but would seem highly improbable if not impossible considering their current plight. Some external subsistence is needed for them to be autarkic from the atypical social structure’s functioning to somewhat medicate their predicament. On the other hand, politics of education is linked to the failure of educational institutions to perform their basic functions. Sociocybernetics (http://azlyrahman-illuminations.blogspot.com/2007_02_01_archive.html) as transparency drive is key to this. Lastly, most society are male-dominated and as such, it is not surprising that more males are more school educated than female.  This may be due to encouragement and receptive accustomization to traditional gender roles. The experience of the “glass ceiling” in the workplace may also discourage females from pursuing certain career tracks. Remedies such as job opportunities for parents and occasional parental education by ways of information drive and the like will help alleviate the school dropouts’ plight. Lastly, though school dropouts are in their bedridden state, they need value-consensus, social solidarity and integration from the society’s ‘immune system’.

School Dropouts versus Social Class, Educational Politics, and Genderism:

A Neo-Marxist Perspective

            Neo-Marxism (as a contemporary integrated perspective of Marxism), in connection with the aggrieved plight of the school dropouts vis-à-vis social class, politics of education, and genderism, justifies quick disenfranchisement of opposition once in power. Oppressors – groups that include neo-capitalists, conservatives, and Christians – of any kind have no rights. Thus, neo-Marxists must be openly intolerant of opposing views and must routinely abuse others who disagree with them. For instance, conservatives must be discriminated against, ridiculed in the classroom and shouted down when they try to speak in public forums. On the other case, the neo-Marxists are openly sympathetic and serve as the ‘super’ alter-ego of the school dropouts who are not to be blamed; instead, it must be those whose vested interest creep up their progress and snatch them of opportunities that should have been in the first place equally given to all (especially to them and the school dropouts). Therefore, indoctrination must permeate the school institutions and push for obvious propaganda courses like Social Class Consciousness, Political Underground Propaganda in Education, Post-Colonial Studies, Gender and Women Studies, Gay-Lesbian Studies, etc. In addition and as an example, the neo-Marxist social scientists have to analyze critically the prevailing school system. For they are morally obliged to do so to help the school dropouts; to refuse the separation of analysis from judgment or fact and that they can not be objective; and, to believe that the school system can be [re-] constructed in a way that conflict could be eliminated (http://www.thefactis.org/default.aspx?control=ArticleMaster&aid=1508).

            The prevailing social structure, culture and socialization define the oppressed school dropouts whose social class is a priori a disadvantage. Thus, reflections on the underlying economic substructure like the mode and relations of production along with technology wherein the parents’ of school dropouts find harsh and unfavorable must have collective consciousness –alongside with others of similar life fashion. Similarly, since the superstructure, (e.g., law, government, and ideology), is important in its own right, that is, school dropouts can rely with it for society’s advantages. Specifically, the ascribed social class for school dropouts can have oftentimes their own family, which is also a superstructure, as providing the ‘haven in a heartless world.’

            On the other hand,the cultural politics plays an independent role in maintaining school dropouts or more class inequalities – and a potential for creating revolutionary change in a particular school that does nothing to soothe their aching lot.  Moreover, it is hardly arguable that the existing social class structure, like the proliferation of school dropouts, is maintained for the benefit of economic elite. Deductively, in the long run, school dropouts seemingly unemployability become potentials for exploitation since they are already additive to the existing number of ‘unemployed’ or surplus of ‘human capital’, and their ignorance creates more dependency to those who held and wield powers.

            As a contrary to Marxism regarding genderism, it was traditionally concerned with male labor and production; thus, [Marxism and] neo-Marxism theory is inadequate for gender analysis (www.coedu.usf.edu/itphdsem/09.pdf). For example, feminists have criticized Marxism for not recognizing that gender [as well as race] can be an independent source of stratification and inequality (http://www.edinboro.edu/cwis/soc/SOCIOLOGY/TAYLOR/soc260-conflict_theory.htm). Thus and in extension to the glass ceiling hypothesis, school dropouts are under the anathema of an imaginary barrier of horizontal segregation, whereby these visible highly probable opportunities are impenetrable. These are due to existing gender bias and discrimination even in their own family’s [Jon Bernardes’] “family paths,” [Pat Carlen’s] “gender deal,” [Sylvia Walby’s] “gender regimes,” and tradition of socially definable and attributable sex roles (http://www.ngfl-cymru.org.uk/vtc/ngfl/sociology/detailed_glossary.htm).

            As a synthesis of ideas and probable solutions re: SF vs. SC, PE, and G., Neo-Marxism is an aid from the constant daydreaming and blankfacedness of the school dropouts. Regarding their social class, the ‘fluvial dross’ of education amid the fluidity of those who ‘cans’ are being taken up by them (the ‘can’ts’) because they have no choice – incessantly disenforced in a perennial quagmire. As to the politics of education, the people of the bureaucrats are complacent with their crumbs and are full of callousness because what matters is their own self-interest and aggrandizement from the divided loot of surpluses of neo-capitalism. They are indifferent even of the most apparent reality that school dropouts are members of the social system – though an ailing system. Unmindful of that dreary scenario, school dropouts remain to lag behind in every aspect of mobility. They end up in proximity with or being the underclass (themselves).  Only by luck and outside intervention (e.g., government consciousness and effort, or sponsorship) do school dropouts deliver a smile – at most, the answer to their plight. What is needed then is their vision, zeal and hardwork to finish the race. Thus, the neo-Marxists view school dropouts as results of the continuing conflict that arise between those who maintain their status quo and those who do not. As an iteration, the “haves” would not ‘lift even a finger’ with this ‘cheaper-by-the-dozen’ human capital surplus. The question: ‘where would these school dropouts end up?’ is none of their business because they know where these individuals came from. Since these modern bourgeoisies maintain their cultural and economic capitals to perpetuate the neo market economy, their concern is the utility of this cheap labor force for they earn the more and become much richer, which is oxymoronically their most sensible, subliminal and automatic strategy in letting the ‘crumbs fall from their ornate tables.’

Readings/References, accessed on 14 to 19 October 2007, for the first question (that is, two essays), please see the last page

Question # 2. Philippine education has been described by local scholars as a graveyard of educational reforms and innovations through time. Despite these educational change efforts, landmark surveys of Philippine education have shown that the tension between quality and education in education remain the same. How does sociology of education explain this condition of Philippine education. More specifically, to what extent can this be explained by the politics of curriculum/education, and education as social selection? (4 pages maximum)

Answer. Some of these perennial problems in Philippine education are deeply rooted to these bits of history… In former times, our country is called by what name by us and by our neighboring Asian countries? For the Ifugao rice terraces already existed more than 1500 years back before the Spaniards came here. In addition, we have our own informal system of education, Alibata, traditions, mores, life styles and the like, which are truly (mixed) Malay race. However, during centuries of Spanish colonialization, many changes took place. In education, some were educated the Spanish way. Then came the American ‘buyers of the Philippine soil’, benefactors and Thomasites. Then, the arrival of the Japanese imperial armies. Then again, the I-had-returned Americans and later ‘emancipators by any other name’ until the time ‘Pinatubo blasted off their bases,’ and gone and came back again with the visiting forces agreement… An endless trail of neo-colonialism to these days. What went awry with our culture (?) is a long and full of complexity a story. We are a nomadic culture vagabonds of our own land.

            Today, these Filipino colonial attributes, amor propio and delicadeza (alongside with personalism, familism, pakikipagkapwa, pakikisama, hiya, utang na loob and damaya), are imbibed in our culture and are negatively exercised. Yet we blame our wrongdoings to the Spanish culture and American neo-colonialism for these are our seemingly valid scapegoats. In reality, should these be virtues worth emulating by our students who were abled to believe that we give them quality education? Thus, when there are educational reforms, these adopted unconstructively exercised foreign traits hinder in the way. For those in power are in cahoots with graft and corruption. The blame is in each of us if we just remain bamboozled because of our misorchestrated action and episodic obliviousness. Foggy, fuzzy, shady, underground, bleary, and the like transactions, not only in education but also in all sectors of society, affect us. Callousness in government bulokcracy prevails. These, then, are just ways of putting reforms and innovations in education at a lost.

            As to the politics of curriculum/education and social selection, most private universities and colleges are less selective when it comes to scholastic achievement, this translates into lower selection, and quality is sacrificed (although they have high matriculation fees). Even if they have admission tests, the results are manipulated for obvious reasons. These are tolerable in many and varied instances (?). They have to survive by having large cohorts of enrollees every semester because it is where they must thrive. On the other hand, there is also the proliferation of nursing schools for the very reason that the graduates prefer to work abroad and earn dollars. Doctors return to school to become nurses. Because of this, there was even the 2006 Nursing Board scam. This is just one of the mismatch between the graduates and actual demands of the market (e.g., college graduates of any course can become call center agents together with those in the college level). Why then there are those who are locally and/or globally underemployed (overseas domestic helpers) and/or overqualified and brain drain? The reasons are obvious – poverty, lack of opportunity, meager salary, politics in hiring, etc. These scenarios are just as hard as to pass out.

            In similar fashion, our country’s basic educational system is dwindling (rather, plummeting) delivering quality educational services because of repeatedly uncalled-for sacrifices. Budgetary appropriation in education is given below-rate priority (even for the Revised Basic Education Curriculum, or RBEC), and inadequate compared with demands.  Superfluous students per school per classroom per teacher per facility per textbook per…. and the lists continue, that is, quantity overriding quality. Results? High school students have below mastery level in national achievement tests (like the NSAT and NCAE) while elementary school pupils in May 2004 have very low scores in the High School Readiness Test (HSRT). (How much more in the international arena like in TIMMS?). Referential-wise, classrooms are a shortage because Deped spent only P2B in 2004, P1B in 2005, and for 2006, is allocating only 1 billion pesos out of its P120 billion pesos budget for the School Building Program. Instead, it will spend P101 Billion or about 90% of its budget on itself — on salaries for the largest single group of government employees in the biggest government-owned and controlled corporation (http://philippinecommentary.blogspot.com/2006/06/our-patriotic-curriculum-and-classroom.html).Teachers, specifically, receive low salary. Facilities and educational equipment are not enough (or lacking). Textbooks are ridden with scams and have many misprints because of deliberate erratum-entries in social studies textbooks. In Filipino textbook, for instance, words are inappropriately utilized without finesse like tito-tita and t_t_ for very young children when in fact there are better examples. Not to mention social studies textbooks. How about those who are promoted each year level starting from grades 1 to 6? DepEd Secretary Jesli Lapus revealed that for every 100 pupils who entered Grade 1, only 66 made it to Grade 6. Fifty eight of the number reaches first year high school, 43 to fourth year high school, 23 to first year college, with only 14 graduating from college. In addition, according to DepEd statistics, most grade 6 pupils have the competencies of those in grade 4 and that “only 20 percent of grade 6 have the competencies of grade 6” (The Philippine Star, 16 October 2006 in http://edlineses.multiply.com/reviews ). In addition, if we will include in our list Bilingualism from elementary to college levels, we have two ‘Official Languages’ – English and Filipino. Yet elementary and high school students’ level of English proficiency is below the average.  Thus again, this is just another of the vicious cycles of unabated degeneration of public education in the Philippines.

            Those aforementioned statements are just few of the problems facing our educational system in nexus with the sociology of education, specifically, in the politics of curriculum/education, and education as social selection. So what are some of the things that must be considered?

            Some Points to Review. For our educational system to survive and sustain its effort for these landmark reform agenda and innovations, some of these things are worth considering:

1. Redefinition and Maximization of Cultural Strengths and Influences. The society in general ought to redefine and maximize the Filipino culture. The society’s culture is one of the strong forces that shapes every facet of societal functions. The culture determines how a certain practice is done and subsequently institutionalized in the given social order. . It must be construed that even individuals must take the necessary rethinking of the values or culture that they are fostering. Institutionalized (not personalized) utang na loob for instance can become a strong force of becoming the best in the office because one owes his tenure to public trust being given to him. Redirection of the strong force of culture should therefore be the goal of leading the education bureaucracy.

2. Rectify budget allocation. The whole bureaucracy itself must engender to support the cause for enlarging the needed budget for education. With appropriate budget allocation for education, most of the recurrent issues on sufficiency of teachers, classrooms, etc. can be easily resolved given stringent corruption measures. In this way, there will be more salary increases for teachers, more and better scholarship grants for students, etc.

3. Match education with demands. Get all the leaders in business and industry to become actively involved in higher education; this will lessen the mismatch problem. In addition, carry out a selective admission policy, i.e., installing mechanisms to reduce enrollment in oversubscribed courses and promoting enrollment in undersubscribed ones. Develop a rationalized apprenticeship program with heavy inputs from the private sector. Furthermore, transfer the control of technical training to industry groups which are more attuned to the needs of business and industry.

4. Reconstruct social participation. The role of the society in general must never be discounted in each undertaking. The education bureaucracy is not exempt to be permeated by such activism and social concern. Communities, being stakeholders in educational institutions, must see to it that they are represented in educational enterprise. Strengthening of Parents-Teachers-Community associations is imperative.

5. Promote Mother-Tongue Policy. The mother-tongue mandate must not remain a catchphrase and lip service. It must find its way extensively into the system. It is the background for furthering our country’s growth and development in every field of study, if only we could harness to our own advantages its power.

            These are just some of the few suggestions so that education will gradually, yet constantly change for the better.

Readings/References, accessed on 14 to 19 October 2007, for the first question (that is, two essays):

http://www.hcs.harvard.edu/~hpair/research/hpair01/workshop5briefing.pdf

http://www.stanford.edu/dept/SUSE/ICE/monographs/Kijima_20032.pdf

http://www.sowi-onlinejournal.de/2005-2/pdf/forgotten_spaete.pdf

http://www.coedu.usf.edu/itphdsem/09.pdf

http://www.indiana.edu/~ipe/glossry.html

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marxism#Neo-Marxism

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_class

http://www.thefactis.org/default.aspx?control=ArticleMaster&aid=1508

http://www.edinboro.edu/cwis/soc/SOCIOLOGY/TAYLOR/soc260-conflict_theory.htm

http://answers.yahoo.com/question/index;_ylt=Ar0.8zysJtPb.DCEovA6ITcjzKIX;_ylv=3?qid=20070819185331AAUNaMC

http://edlineses.multiply.com/reviews

http://azlyrahman-illuminations.blogspot.com/2007_02_01_archive.html

http://teacherrowie.blogspot.com/2006/10/capital-2.html

Readings/References, accessed on 14 to 19 October 2007, for the second question:

http://www.fnf.org.ph/liberalopinion/crisis-public-education-philippines.htm

http://www.ph.net/htdocs/education/issue.htm

http://www.adb.org/Documents/ERD/Working_Papers/wp022.pdf

http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTEAPDECEN/Resources/Chapter-9.pdf

http://www.hcs.harvard.edu/~hpair/research/hpair01/workshop5briefing.pdf

http://www.profknow.net/files/results/WP2.pdf

http://www.adb.org/Education/philippines-country-analysis.pdf

http://www.cereq.fr/cereq/Colloques/journees/06_Shavit.pdf

http://www.sidos.ch/method/RC28/abstracts/Yossi%20Shavit.pdf

http://192.139.188.172/inqaahe/index.asp?id1=63

http://edlineses.multiply.com/reviews

http://davidllorito.blogspot.com/2007/06/philippines-should-master-english.html

http://philippinecommentary.blogspot.com/2006/06/our-patriotic-curriculum-and-classroom.html